shall find it hard to speak of "our expenditure on Finland" or of "the
vast privileges" we have conferred on the principality.

It follows, then, that the system of administration established for
Finland by the Emperor Alexander I. has not yet had any harmful
political results for Russia, and that it has dispensed the Russian
Government from incurring heavy expenditure for the administration and
the well-being of the country, and in this way has enabled Russia to
concentrate her forces and her care on other parts of the empire and to
devote her attention to other State problems.

One can not, of course, contend that the system of government adopted
in Finland satisfies, in each and all its parts, the requirements and
the needs of the present time. On the contrary, it is indubitable that
the independent existence of the principality, disconnected as it is
from the general interests of the empire, has led to a certain
estrangement between the Russian and the Finnish populations. That an
estrangement really exists can not be doubted; but the explanation of
it is to be found in the difference of the two cultures which have
their roots in history. To the protracted sway of Sweden and Finland's
continuous relations through her intermediary with Western Europe, the
circumstance is to be ascribed that the thinking spirits among the
Finns gravitate--in matters of culture--not to Russia but to the West,
and in particular to Sweden, with whom Finland is linked by bonds of
language--through her highest social class--and of religion, laws, and
literature. For that reason the views, ideas, and interests of
Western--and in particular of Scandinavian--peoples are more
thoroughly familiar and more intelligible to them than ours. That also
is why, when working out any kind of reforms and innovations, they seek
for models not among us but in Western Europe.