distance, and who has not opportunities of inquiring into the various
motives of action or belief. Such an one would be inclined to think us
a nation of fools, that must be stilled with rattles, or amused with
baubles; and would readily conclude, that our ministers were obliged
to practise such fallacies, because they could not prevail upon us by
motives adapted to reasonable beings.

But if we reflect, my lords, upon the different principles upon which
reports like these are propagated and opposed, it will easily be
discovered that their success is not to be imputed either to superiour
art on one side, or uncommon weakness on the other. It is well known
that they are promoted by men hired for that purpose with large
salaries, or beneficial employments, and that they can be opposed only
from a desire of detecting falsehood, and advancing the publick
happiness: it is apparent that those who invent, those who circulate,
and, perhaps, part of those who counterfeit belief of them, are
incited by the prospect of private advantage, and immediate profit;
and that those who stop them in their career by contradiction and
objections, can propose no other benefit to themselves, than that
which they shall receive in common with every other member of the
community; and, therefore, whoever has sufficiently observed mankind,
to discover the reason for which self-interest has in almost all ages
prevailed over publick spirit, will be able to see why reports like
these are not always suppressed by seasonable detections.

A minister ought not to flatter himself that he has always deceived
those who appear to credit his representations; their silence is not
so often the effect of credulity, as of cowardice or indolence. Many
are overborne by the pomp of great offices, and others who distinguish
more clearly, and judge with greater freedom, are contented to enjoy