artificial crime has to be added to the penal code, and the work of the
police extended accordingly. The military and public organisations must
also be such as not only to result in outside efficiency, but also at
the same time guarantee internal impotency. This is to be achieved by
the adjustment and careful admixture of officers and units from
different races. All this can be and is maintained only by extra cost
and extra-active co-operation on the part of the people. The slightest
withdrawal of assistance must put such machinery out of gear. This is
the basis of the programme of progressive non violent non-co-operation
that has been adopted by the National Congress.


SOME OBJECTIONS

The powerful character of the measure, however, leads some to object to
non-co-operation because of that very reason. Striking as it does at the
very root of Government in India, they fear that non-co-operation must
lead to anarchy, and that the remedy is worse than the disease. This is
an objection arising out of insufficient allowance for human nature. It
is assumed that the British people will allow their connection with
India to cease rather than remedy the wrongs for which we seek justice.
If this assumption be correct, no doubt it must lead to separation and
possibly also anarchy for a time. If the operatives in a factory have
grievances, negotiations having failed, a strike would on a similar
argument be never admissible. Unyielding obstinacy being presumed, it
must end in the closing down of the factory and break up of the men. But
if in ninety-nine out of a hundred cases it is not the case that strikes
end in this manner, it is more unlikely that, instead of righting the
manifest wrongs that India complains about, the British people will
value their Indian Dominion so low as to prefer to allow us to