over the earth, I want our flag to be honored abroad.

In the French revolution of '48, a deputation came to me to demand the
American church at Havre, for the purpose of holding a political meeting,
I refused. They intimated that it would be torn down. I had only to assure
them that I would plant our flag on it, and if they touched it with rude
hands, they would have to answer to our government. That was the last of
the matter. This power we must have still; and to secure this the whole
North and West must awake, and act--for the multitudes who in the Border
States demand our aid; for the thousands of laboring, suffering poor who
tremble beneath the glance of the proud chevalier; for the sake of our
education, our lands, our homes, our Christianity. We are sure that
success on our part now will demonstrate to the world the inherent power
of our nation. They cannot behold the united action and offering of
_nineteen millions_ in the free States--all animated with the spirit of
liberty, religion and law, and resolved to crush treason and rebellion at
any cost--without a deeper conviction of our real might, without a new
impression of the majesty that reposes in a people's will! All Europe
approves of this war; and struggling nationalities look with anxious
expectancy for the issue.

It is a war for government, for order. It is against the power and rage of
the mob, led on by ambitious men who are mad at the loss of power. There
is nothing more sublime than law; holding unseen the hearts and interests
of millions, protecting their rights, and giving them full, happy
development. Our flag represents law, liberty, sublime sacrifice, national
life. It is therefore right even for the Christian to fight for its
perpetuity. If I may defend myself and family, the nation is greater than
my family and myself; and calls more powerfully for my service. And this
war, entered on by necessity, and with the grand purpose of protecting