Constitution which declare that "no person shall be held to answer
for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on a presentment or
indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval
forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or
public danger," and that "in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall
enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the
State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed." The
safeguards which the experience and wisdom of ages taught our fathers
to establish as securities for the protection of the innocent, the
punishment of the guilty, and the equal administration of justice are
to be set aside, and for the sake of a more vigorous interposition in
behalf of justice we are to take the risks of the many acts of injustice
that would necessarily follow from an almost countless number of agents
established in every parish or county in nearly a third of the States of
the Union, over whose decisions there is to be no supervision or control
by the Federal courts. The power that would be thus placed in the hands
of the President is such as in time of peace certainly ought never to be
intrusted to any one man.

If it be asked whether the creation of such a tribunal within a State is
warranted as a measure of war, the question immediately presents itself
whether we are still engaged in war. Let us not unnecessarily disturb
the commerce and credit and industry of the country by declaring to the
American people and to the world that the United States are still in a
condition of civil war. At present there is no part of our country in
which the authority of the United States is disputed. Offenses that may
be committed by individuals should not work a forfeiture of the rights
of whole communities. The country has returned, or is returning, to a
state of peace and industry, and the rebellion is in fact at an end.
The measure, therefore, seems to be as inconsistent with the actual