any authority to deprive them of it. If, on the other hand, it be found
that the property is liable to confiscation, even then it can not be
appropriated to public purposes until by due process of law it shall
have been declared forfeited to the Government.

There is still further objection to the bill, on grounds seriously
affecting the class of persons to whom it is designed to bring relief.
It will tend to keep the mind of the freedman in a state of uncertain
expectation and restlessness, while to those among whom he lives it will
be a source of constant and vague apprehension.

Undoubtedly the freedman should be protected, but he should be protected
by the civil authorities, especially by the exercise of all the
constitutional powers of the courts of the United States and of the
States. His condition is not so exposed as may at first be imagined.
He is in a portion of the country where his labor can not well be
spared. Competition for his services from planters, from those who
are constructing or repairing railroads, and from capitalists in his
vicinage or from other States will enable him to command almost his own
terms. He also possesses a perfect right to change his place of abode,
and if, therefore, he does not find in one community or State a mode of
life suited to his desires or proper remuneration for his labor, he can
move to another where that labor is more esteemed and better rewarded.
In truth, however, each State, induced by its own wants and interests,
will do what is necessary and proper to retain within its borders all
the labor that is needed for the development of its resources. The laws
that regulate supply and demand will maintain their force, and the wages
of the laborer will be regulated thereby. There is no danger that the
exceedingly great demand for labor will not operate in favor of the
laborer.