directed to finding a way for Russia herself out of the
crisis, the severity of which can hardly be realized by people
who have not visited the country again and again, and to
bringing her as quickly as possible into a state in which she
can export her raw materials and import the manufactured
goods of which she stands in need. I believe that this struggle
is ours as well as Russia's, though we to whom the threat is
less imminent, are less desperately engaged. Victory or
defeat in this struggle in Russia, or anywhere else on the
world's surface, is victory or defeat for every one. The
purpose of my book is to make that clear. For, bearing that
in mind, I cannot but think that every honest man, of
whatever parity, who cares more for humanity than for
politics, must do his utmost to postpone the conflict which a
few extremists on each side of the barricades so fanatically
desire. If that conflict is indeed inevitable, its consequences

will be less devastating to a Europe cured of her wounds
than to a Europe scarcely, even by the most hopeful, to be
described as convalescent. But the conflict may not be
inevitable after all. No man not purblind but sees that
Communist Europe is changing no less than Capitalist
Europe. If we succeed in postponing the struggle long
enough, we may well succeed in postponing it until the
war-like on both sides look in vain for the reasons of their
bellicosity.