no serious resistance, and the kingdom ran away, then the republic
seemed self-understood. Each party interpreted it in its own sense. Won,
arms in hand, by the proletariat, they put upon it the stamp of their
own class, and proclaimed the social republic. Thus the general purpose
of modern revolutions was indicated, a purpose, however, that stood in
most singular contradiction to every thing that, with the material at
hand, with the stage of enlightenment that the masses had reached, and
under existing circumstances and conditions, could be immediately
used. On the other hand, the claims of all the other elements, that had
cooperated in the revolution of February, were recognized by the lion's
share that they received in the government. Hence, in no period do we
find a more motley mixture of high-sounding phrases together with
actual doubt and helplessness; of more enthusiastic reform aspirations,
together with a more slavish adherence to the old routine; more
seeming harmony permeating the whole of society together with a deeper
alienation of its several elements. While the Parisian proletariat
was still gloating over the sight of the great perspective that had
disclosed itself to their view, and was indulging in seriously meant
discussions over the social problems, the old powers of society had
groomed themselves, had gathered together, had deliberated and found
an unexpected support in the mass of the nation--the peasants and small
traders--all of whom threw themselves on a sudden upon the political
stage, after the barriers of the July monarchy had fallen down.

The second period, from May 4, 1848, to the end of May, 1849, is the
period of the constitution, of the founding of the bourgeois republic
immediately after the February days, not only was the dynastic
opposition surprised by the republicans, and the republicans by
the Socialists, but all France was surprised by Paris. The national
assembly, that met on May 4, 1848, to frame a constitution, was the