results; So soon as any of the above lying layers of society gets into
revolutionary fermentation, it enters into alliance therewith and thus
shares all the defeats which the several parties successively suffer.
But these succeeding blows become ever weaker the more generally they
are distributed over the whole surface of society. The more important
leaders of the Proletariat, in its councils, and the press, fall one
after another victims of the courts, and ever more questionable
figures step to the front. It partly throws itself it upon doctrinaire
experiments, "co-operative banking" and "labor exchange" schemes; in
other words, movements, in which it goes into movements in which it
gives up the task of revolutionizing the old world with its own large
collective weapons and on the contrary, seeks to bring about its
emancipation, behind the back of society, in private ways, within the
narrow bounds of its own class conditions, and, consequently, inevitably
fails. The proletariat seems to be able neither to find again the
revolutionary magnitude within itself nor to draw new energy from the
newly formed alliances until all the classes, with whom it contended in
June, shall lie prostrate along with itself. But in all these defeats,
the proletariat succumbs at least with the honor that attaches to great
historic struggles; not France alone, all Europe trembles before the
June earthquake, while the successive defeats inflicted upon the higher
classes are bought so easily that they need the brazen exaggeration
of the victorious party itself to be at all able to pass muster as an
event; and these defeats become more disgraceful the further removed the
defeated party stands from the proletariat.

True enough, the defeat of the June insurgents prepared, leveled the
ground, upon which the bourgeois republic could be founded and erected;
but it, at the same time, showed that there are in Europe other issues
besides that of "Republic or Monarchy." It revealed the fact that here