It has, to begin with, the same relation that "society" has to every
movement of reform. The proportion of smiles and frowns bestowed from this
quarter upon the woman-suffrage movement, for instance, is about that
formerly bestowed upon the anti-slavery agitation: I see no great
difference. In Boston, for example, the names contributed by "society" to
the woman-suffrage festivals are about as numerous as those which used to
be contributed to the anti-slavery bazaars; no more, no less. Indeed, they
are very often the same names; and it has been curious to see, for nearly
fifty years, how radical tendencies have predominated in some of the
well-known Boston families, and conservative tendencies in others.

The traits of blood seem to outlast successive series of special reforms.
Be this as it may, it is safe to assume, that, as the anti-slavery movement
prevailed with only a moderate amount of sanction from "our best society,"
the woman-suffrage agitation, which has at least an equal amount, has no
reason to be discouraged.

On looking farther, we find that not reforms alone, but often most
important and established institutions, exist and flourish with only
incidental aid from those "in society." Take, for instance, the whole
public school system of our larger cities. Grant that out of twenty ladies
"in society," taken at random, not more than one would personally approve
of women's voting: it is doubtful whether even that proportion of them
would personally favor the public school system so far as to submit their
children, or at least their girls, to it. Yet the public schools flourish,
and give a better training than most private schools, in spite of this
inert practical resistance from those "in society." The natural inference
would seem to be, that if an institution so well established as the public
schools, and so generally recognized, can afford to be ignored by