natural right, defended himself, and knocked the fort about the
ears of those who occupied it, thus giving the creatures who
directed them a lesson which ought to rejoice every thinking
American. At this the storm on paper against Germany, both in
America and Great Britain, broke out with renewed violence, and
there was more talk about dangers to the Monroe Doctrine. As one
who, at The Hague Conference, was able to do something for
recognition of the Monroe Doctrine by European powers, and who,
as a member of the Venezuelan Commission, did what was possible
to secure justice to Venezuela, I take this opportunity to
express the opinion that the time has come for plain speaking in
this matter. Even with those of us who believe in the Monroe
Doctrine there begins to arise a question as to which are nearest
the interests and the hearts of Americans,--the sort of "dumb
driven cattle" who allow themselves to be governed by such men as
now control Venezuela, or the people of Germany and other
civilized parts of Europe, as well as those of the better South
American republics, like Chile, the Argentine Republic, Brazil,
and others, whose interests, aspirations, ideals, and feelings
are so much more closely akin to our own.

Occasionally, too, there have arisen plaintive declarations that
the Emperor does not love the United States or admire its
institutions. As to that I never saw or heard of anything showing
dislike to our country; but, after all, he is a free man, and
there is nothing in international law or international comity
requiring him to love the United States; it is sufficient that he
respects what is respectable in our government and people, and we
may fairly allow to him his opinion on sundry noxious and
nauseous developments among us which we hope may prove temporary.