the common prudence to recognise the flagitious injustice which she is
inflicting, while, by a refinement of cruelty, she repeats her
assurances that Ireland is a spoilt child, and for this reason alone
does not appreciate the blessings of British rule. In the light of the
facts before us one may well ask whether it was an extreme hyperbole of
which Grattan made use when he declared that "Ireland, like every
enslaved country, will be compelled to pay for her own subjugation."

When we are urged to put into practice the counsels of perfection and
study the virtue of patience while we wait for the opportune moment for
reform, from the point of view of English party politics, our reply is
that things have reached so desperate a pass that to submit to the
delays entailed by the exigencies of political strategy is a suicidal
policy which we cannot afford to endure without protest.

The inhabitants of Great Britain had their Imperial taxation cut down in
the nineteenth century by one-half, that of the Irish people was
doubled. Every year that passes without radical change in the relations
between the two countries makes it more serious, and makes the changes
more drastic which will be required when the need for them is at last
fully realised.

At the present day more than ten millions per annum are raised by
taxation in Ireland. Of these seven and a half are spent on the _home_
government of the country, which in 1890 cost only just over five
millions, while that of Scotland at this moment costs a little
more--namely, five and a half millions.

If one looks at the case of Denmark one finds a rich agricultural
country with a population of six and a half millions, which is able to