the war. They raised, clothed, and maintained nearly twenty-five
thousand men, and so sensible were the people of England of our
great exertions, that a message was annually sent to the House of
Commons purporting, "that his Majesty, being highly satisfied with
the zeal and vigor with which his faithful subjects in North America
had exerted themselves in defense of his Majesty's just rights and
possessions, recommend it to the House to take the same into
consideration, and enable him to give them a proper compensation."

But what purpose can arguments of this kind answer? Did the
protection we received annul our rights as men, and lay us under an
obligation of being miserable?

Who among you, my countrymen, that is a father, would claim
authority to make your child a slave because you had nourished him
in infancy?

'Tis a strange species of generosity which requires a return
infinitely more valuable than anything it could have bestowed that
demands as a reward for a defense of our property a surrender of
those inestimable privileges, to the arbitrary will of vindictive
tyrants, which alone give value to that very property.

Political right and public happiness are different words for the
same idea. They who wander into metaphysical labyrinths, or have
recourse to original contracts, to determine the rights of men,
either impose on themselves or mean to delude others. Public utility
is the only certain criterion. It is a test which brings disputes to
a speedy decision, and makes its appeal to the feelings of
mankind. The force of truth has obliged men to use arguments drawn