him. I may disagree as to the lessons taught by Maxim guns, hollow
squares, and the 'thin red line.' I think no one can have read Colonial
history, chronicling as it does, the rise again and again of the native
against Imperial forces, without feeling that he is influenced far less
by England's prowess in war than by her justice in peace. My Zulu
fellow-countrymen understand as clearly as anyone the weakness and the
strength of the present time. If the Zulu wished to remember Kambula and
Ulundi, this would be his supreme opportunity to rise and hurl himself
across the Natal frontier. But I, having just returned from my native
country, have been able to report to the Government at Pietermaritzburg
that there is not the slightest symptom of disloyalty, not the idea of
lifting a finger against the white subjects of the great and good Queen.

There is among the Chiefs and Indunas of my people an almost universal
hope that the Imperial arms will be victorious, and that a Government
which, by its inhumanity and relentless injustice, and apparent
inability to see that the native has any rights a white man should
respect, has forfeited its place among the civilised Governments of the
earth, and should therefore be deprived of powers so scandalously
abused--formerly by slavery, and in later years by disallowing the
native to buy land, and utterly neglecting his intellectual and
spiritual needs. There are wrongs to be redressed, and we Zulus believe
that England will be more willing to redress them than any other Power.
There is still much to be done in the way of educating and civilizing
the mass of the Zulu nation. We Chiefs of that nation have observed that
wherever England has gone there the Missionary and teacher follow, and
that there exists sympathy between the authority of Her Majesty and the
forces that labour for civilization and Christianity. We Zulus have not
yet forgotten what we owe to the late Bishop Colenso's lifelong
advocacy, or to Lady Florence Dixie's kindly interest. These are things