throats _ad libitum_.

Neither the people of the Trastevere nor of the Monti give the least
sign of political existence, whereat the Cardinals rub their hands,
and congratulate themselves upon having kept so many men in profound
ignorance of all their rights. I am not quite certain that the theory
is a sound one. Suppose, for example, that the democratic committees
of London and Leghorn were to send a few recruiting officers into the
Pope's capital. An honest, mild, enlightened plebeian would reflect
twice before enrolling himself. He would weigh the pros and the cons,
and balance for a long time between the vices of the government, and
the dangers of revolution. But the mob of the Monti would take fire
like a heap of straw at the mere prospect of a scramble, while the
Trastevere savages would rise to a man, if the Papal despotism were
represented to them as an attack upon their honour. It would be better
to have in these plebeians foes capable of reasoning. The Pope might
often have to reckon with them, but he need never tremble before them.

I trust the masters of the country may never more be obliged to fight
with the plebeians of Rome. They were easily carried away by the
leaders of 1848, although the name of Republic resounded for the first
time in their ears. Have they forgotten it? No. They will long
remember that magic word, which abased the great, and exalted the
humble. Moreover, the hidden Mazzinists, who agitate throughout the
city, don't collect the workmen in the quarter of the _Regola_ to
preach submission to them.

I have said that the plebeians of the city of Rome despise the
plebeians of the country. Be assured, however, the latter are not
deserving of scorn, even in the Mediterranean provinces. In this