well of his country if he emigrated to America, and took with him as
many of the people as he could induce to forsake their native land.
But what was the great plea which Primate Boulter urged on the English
Minister on behalf of the Presbyterian clergy of his day? It was, that
they had exerted their influence to prevent emigration. 'It is,'
he said, 'but doing them justice to affirm that they are very
well affected to his majesty and his royal family, and by the best
enquiries I could make, do their best endeavours to keep their
congregations from deserting the country, not more than one or two
of the younger ministers having anyways encouraged the humour now
prevailing here. And his majesty's goodness in giving them some
extraordinary relief on this occasion of their present great distress
would undoubtedly make them _more active to retain their people here_.
I cannot help mentioning on this occasion that, what with scarceness
of corn in the north, _and the loss of all credit there_, and by
the numbers that go, or talk of going, to America, and with the
disturbances in the south, this kingdom is at present in a deplorable
condition.'

In a statement previously made to the Bishop of London, the Irish
primate earnestly solicited his correspondent to use his influence
to prevent the Irish landlords from passing a law to strip the
established clergy of their rights with respect to the tithe of
agistment. They had entered into a general combination, and formed a
stock purse to resist the payment of tithe, except by the poor
tenants who tilled the soil, a remarkable contrast to the zeal of
the landlords of our own time in defending church property against
'spoliation' by the imperial legislature, and to the liberality with
which many of them are now contributing to the Sustentation Fund.
How shall we account for the change? Is it that the landlords of the