of discontent. Let men declaim for a century, and if they have no real
grievance their harangues will be empty sound and idle air. But
when what they tell the people is true--when they are sustained by
substantial facts, effects are produced of which what has taken place
at this election is only an example. The whole body of the people
having been previously excited, the moment any incident such as this
election occurs, all the popular passions start simultaneously up, and
bear down every obstacle before them. Do not, therefore, be surprised
that the peasantry should throw off their allegiance when they are
under the operation of emotions which it would be wonderful if they
could resist. The feeling by which they are actuated would make them
not only vote against their landlord, but would make them scale the
batteries of a fortress, and mount the breach; and, gentlemen, give
me leave to ask you whether, after due reflection upon the motives by
which your vassals (for so they are accounted) are governed, you will
be disposed to exercise any measure of severity in their regard?'

The greatest warrior of the age rebuked the men who cried in that day
that the sword should be the arbiter of the Irish question; and Sir
Robert Peel, in his own vindication of the Emancipation Act, said:--

'I well know that there are those upon whom such considerations as
these to which I have been adverting will make but a faint impression.
Their answer to all such appeals is the short, in their opinion the
conclusive, declaration--" The Protestant constitution in church
and state must be maintained at all hazards, and by any means; the
maintenance of it is a question of principle, and every concession
or compromise is the sacrifice of principle to a low and vulgar
expediency." This is easily said; but how was Ireland to be governed?
How was the Protestant constitution in church and state to be