March of 1918. It shows that the idea of a League of Nations to prevent
war is taking definite shape, and is not regarded by practical
men--statesmen with experience of the actual conduct of international
affairs, and lawyers who as members of the judicial committee of the
Privy Council have had to devote their attention to questions of
international law--as outside the range of practical politics. It shows
also that the idea will stand the test of discussion and calm criticism.

Lord Lansdowne--to whom, whatever may be thought of some recent
utterances, the country owes a debt of gratitude too little recognised,
especially for his conduct of foreign affairs at a most difficult period
during the Boer War--stated his opinion that "in a league pronouncing a
sentence of international outlawry upon any one country that broke away
from its obligations you would have a material guarantee for the
maintenance of peace." He pointed out how "the existence of such a
league might perhaps have prevented the War in July of 1914, as it was
impossible in that time of clamour and confusion when one suggestion
after another made by those who, like Sir Edward Grey, were working for
peace was rejected, to put forward a definite proposal for dealing with
the dispute in a manner provided for by previous agreement." Lord
Parker, whose authority carries the greatest weight with jurists
everywhere, having the true lawyer's instinct for putting vague
proposals into definite shape, actually presented a draft of heads of
agreement for the establishment of a League.[1] These heads would, to
say the least, form the basis for discussion leading to practical
results. One or two of his proposed clauses may be quoted as expressing
in definite language the fundamental principles which must be the basis
of any such League. The first may appear perhaps only a "pious opinion."
It is really very much more. Assent to it means the complete repudiation
of the ideas which have guided German policy--the ideas which made world