present Government of Germany, and will continue to do so if no change
is made in that Government." "The whole world," as Mr. Gerard says,
"feels that peace made with its present Government would not be lasting,
that such a peace would mean the detachment of some of the Allies from
the present world alliance against Germany, preparation by Germany in
light of her needs as disclosed by the War, and the declaration of a new
war in which there would be no battle of the Marne to turn back the tide
of German world conquest." No such change of government can be imposed
from without. Every German would resent, and rightly, any such
interference. Mr. Balfour has declared expressly that a claim to change
the form of government in Germany is not one of our war aims. The change
must be a change of spirit, which will not come unless facts prove that
the violent assertion of the claim to domination, to override justice
where self-interest appears to be served thereby, has led to disaster,
and is in reality opposed to self-interest in the long run. As a means
of carrying out the ideas of Germany in its relations with other
countries, it must be admitted that its Government is a singularly
effective machine. It is those ideas which must be given up if a real
change is to be made. The clever devil could have invented nothing
better than the highly organised machinery of the German Government for
doing his work. There are two conditions, at all events, which are
necessary in regard to any such change if permanent peace is to result.

First, that we should not look for a disruption of settled and orderly
government in Germany. The anarchy of Russia does not make for world
peace. Would not a reasonable man, however liberal his views, prefer for
his country the rule of the Kaiser and his devotees to the rule of a
Lenin and of Bolsheviks?

Second, it must be clear that we do not desire the destruction of