himself or no, are excellent, and, though Froude's second chapter
was not quite rewritten, the effect of them may be seen in the rest
of the book.

Carlyle's influence upon Froude, which happily never extended to his
style, confirmed him in his attachment to Protestantism and his
hatred of Rome. It also accounted for much of Froude's belief in
despots. In democracy he had no faith. Manhood suffrage in England,
would, he thought, even in the wonderful year 1588, the last of his
History, have restored the Pope. This was perhaps a little
inconsistent with his theory that Henry VIII. had been popular with
all classes. Yet at least Froude could distinguish one despot from
another. He was entirely opposed, as we have seen, to the alliance
with Louis Napoleon against Russia, which culminated in the Crimean
War. Otherwise his sympathy with Liberalism was chiefly academic. He
rejoiced in the University Commission, and in the consequent removal
of religious tests for undergraduates. But he took Carlyle's Latter-
Day Pamphlets for gospel, and had no faith in peace by great
Exhibitions, or progress by political reform. The war with Russia
justified the first part of his creed, and even Liberals in the
House of Commons seemed tacitly to agree with the second. To the
glorification of mere money-making, the worship of the golden calf,
the sincerest and the most fashionable of all worships, both he and
Carlyle were equally opposed. They were agreed with the Socialists
and with Ruskin in their dislike of seeing bricks and mortar
substituted for green fields, smoky chimneys for church towers,
myriads of factory hands for the rural population of England.
Carlyle still called himself a Radical, a believer in root and
branch change, but moral rather than political. His faith in
representative institutions had been shaken by reflecting that the