party of the wealthiest men of the kingdom look up, have been the cause
why the principle of French fraternity formerly gained the ground which
at one time it had obtained in this country. It will infallibly recover
itself again, and in ten times a greater degree, if the kind of peace,
in the manner which he preaches, ever shall be established with the
reigning faction in France.

38. So far as to the French practices with regard to France and the
other powers of Europe. As to their principles and doctrines with
regard to the constitution of states, Mr. Fox studiously, on all
occasions, and indeed when no occasion calls for it, (as on the debate
of the petition for reform,) brings forward and asserts their
fundamental and fatal principle, pregnant with every mischief and every
crime, namely, that "in every country the people is the legitimate
sovereign": exactly conformable to the declaration of the French clubs
and legislators:--"La souveraineté est _une, indivisible, inalienable,
et imprescriptible_; elle appartient à la nation; aucune _section_ du
peuple ni aucun _individu_ ne peut s'en attribuer l'exercise." This
confounds, in a manner equally mischievous and stupid, the origin of a
government from the people with its continuance in their hands. I
believe that no such doctrine has ever been heard of in any public act
of any government whatsoever, until it was adopted (I think from the
writings of Rousseau) by the French Assemblies, who have made it the
basis of their Constitution at home, and of the matter of their
apostolate in every country. These and other wild declarations of
abstract principle, Mr. Fox says, are in themselves perfectly right and
true; though in some cases he allows the French draw absurd consequences
from them. But I conceive he is mistaken. The consequences are most
logically, though most mischievously, drawn from the premises and
principles by that wicked and ungracious faction. The fault is in the