the streets while the "military operations" of the mob were going on. In
accordance with the customary pogrom ritual, the human fiends were left
undisturbed for two days, and only on the third day were troops summoned
from a near-by city to put a stop to the atrocities.

On the same day the governor of Podolia arrived to make an
investigation. It was soon learned that the local authorities, the
police commissioner, the Ispravnik, the military commander, the
burgomaster, and the president of the nobility [1] had either directly or
indirectly abetted the pogrom. Many rioters, who had been arrested by
the police, were soon released, because they threatened otherwise to
point out to the higher authorities the ringleaders from among the local
officials and the representatives of Russian society. The Jews, again,
were constantly terrorized by these scoundrels and cowed by the fear of
massacres and complete annihilation, in case they dared to expose their
hangmen before the courts.

[Footnote 1: The nobility of each government forms an organization of
its own. It is headed by a president for the entire government who has
under his jurisdiction a president for each district (or county). Such a
county president is referred to in the text.]

The pogrom of Balta found but a feeble echo in the immediate
neighborhood--in a few localities of the governments of Podolia and
Kherson. It seemed as if the energy of destruction and savagery had
spent itself in the exploits at Balta. On the whole, the pogrom campaign
conducted in the spring of 1882 covered but an insignificant territory
when compared with the pogrom enterprise of 1881, though
surpassing it considerably in point of quality. The horrors of Balta
were a substantial earnest of the Kishinev atrocities of 1903