and which was supposed to carry great and unknown prerogatives; and thus
the Empire rose again out of its ruins in the West, and, what is
remarkable, by means of one of those nations which had helped to destroy
it. If we take in the conquests of Charlemagne, it was also very near as
extensive as formerly; though its constitution was altogether different,
as being entirely on the Northern model of government. From Charlemagne
the Pope received in return an enlargement and a confirmation of his new
territory. Thus the Papal and Imperial powers mutually gave birth, to
each other. They continued for some ages, and in some measure still
continue, closely connected, with a variety of pretensions upon each
other, and on the rest of Europe.

Though, the Imperial power had its origin in France, it was soon divided
into two branches, the Gallic and the German. The latter alone supported
the title of Empire; but the power being weakened by this division, the
Papal pretensions had the greater weight. The Pope, because he first
revived the Imperial dignity, claimed a right of disposing of it, or at
least of giving validity to the election of the Emperor. The Emperor, on
the other hand, remembering the rights of those sovereigns whose title
he bore, and how lately the power which insulted him with such demands
had arisen from the bounty of his predecessors, claimed the same
privileges in the election of a Pope. The claims of both were somewhat
plausible; and they were supported, the one by force of arms, and the
other by ecclesiastical influence, powers which in those days were very
nearly balanced. Italy was the theatre upon which this prize was
disputed. In every city the parties in favor of each of the opponents
were not far from an equality in their numbers and strength. Whilst
these parties disagreed in the choice of a master, by contending for a
choice in their subjection they grew imperceptibly into freedom, and
passed through the medium of faction and anarchy into regular