the Press; he has offered no sacrifice of invitations to social
editors; and social editors have accordingly failed to discover
the merits of a statesman who so little appreciated them, until
they have almost made the nation forget the services that Lord
Russell has so faithfully and courageously rendered."

Of Lord Russell's political consistency I have already spoken; and
it was most conspicuously displayed in his lifelong zeal for the
extension of the suffrage. He had begun his political activities
by a successful attack on the rottenest of rotten boroughs; the
enfranchisement of the Middle Class was the triumph of his middle
life. As years advanced his zeal showed no abatement; again and
again he returned to the charge, though amidst the most discouraging
circumstances; and when, in his old age, he became Prime Minister
for the second time, the first task to which he set his hand was
so to extend the suffrage as to include "the best of the working
classes."

In spite of this generous aspiration, it must be confessed that
the Reform Bill of 1866 was not a very exciting measure. It lowered
the qualification for the county franchise to £14 and that for
the boroughs to £7; and this, together with the enfranchisement
of lodgers, was expected to add 400,000 new voters to the list.

The Bill fell flat. It was not sweeping enough to arouse enthusiasm.
Liberals accepted it as an instalment; but Whigs thought it
revolutionary, and made common cause with the Tories to defeat
it. As it was introduced into the House of Commons, Lord Russell
had no chance of speaking on it; but Gladstone's speeches for it
and Lowe's against it remain to this day among the masterpieces