shedding blood for the fatherland, a profound obeisance and fraternal
greetings."

Kerensky's statement was of tremendous significance. Made on behalf of the
entire group of which he was leader, it reflected the sober second thought
of the representatives of the peasant Socialists and socialistically
inclined radicals. Their solemnly measured protest against the reactionary
policy of the government was as significant as the announcement that they
would support the war. It was a fact that at the very time when national
unity was of the most vital importance the government was already goading
the people into despairing revolt.

That a section of the Bolsheviki began a secret agitation against the war,
aiming at a revolt among the soldiers, regardless of the fact that it would
mean Russia's defeat and Germany's triumph, is a certainty. The government
soon learned of this movement and promptly took steps to crush it. Many
Russian Socialists have charged that the policy of the Bolsheviki was
inspired by provocateurs in the employ of the police, and by them betrayed.
Others believe that the policy was instigated by German provocateurs, for
very obvious purposes. It was not uncommon for German secret agents to worm
their way into the Russian Socialist ranks, nor for the agents of the
Russian police to keep the German secret service informed of what was going
on in Russian Socialist circles. Whatever truth there may be in the
suspicion that the anti-war Bolshevik faction of the Social Democrats were
the victims of the Russian police espionage system, and were betrayed by
one whom they had trusted, as the Socialist-Revolutionists had been
betrayed by Azev, the fact remains that the government ordered the arrest
of five of the Bolshevist Social Democratic members of the Duma, on
November 17th. Never before had the government disregarded the principle of
parliamentary immunity. When members of the First Duma, belonging to