sensations. In casting our eyes over the earth, we see no instance of a
nation forbidden, as we are, by foreign powers, to deal with neighbors,
and obliged, with them, to carry into another hemisphere, the mutual
supplies necessary to relieve mutual wants. This is not merely a
question between the foreign power and our neighbor. We are interested
in it equally with the latter, and nothing but moderation, at least with
respect to us, can render us indifferent to its continuance. An exchange
of surpluses and wants between neighbor nations is both a right and a
duty under the moral law, and measures against right should be mollified
in their exercise, if it be wished to lengthen them to the greatest
term possible. Circumstances sometimes require, that rights the most
unquestionable should be advanced with delicacy. It would seem that the
one now spoken of would need only a mention, to be assented to by any
unprejudiced mind: but with respect to America, Europeans in general
have been too long in the habit of confounding force with right.
The Marquis de la Fayette stands in such a relation between the two
countries, that I should think him perfectly capable of seeing what
is just as to both. Perhaps on some occasion of free conversation, you
might find an opportunity of impressing these truths on his mind,
and that from him they might be let out at a proper moment as matters
meriting consideration and weight, when they shall be engaged in the
work of forming a constitution for our neighbors. In policy, if not in
justice, they should be disposed to avoid oppression, which, falling on
us as well as on their colonies, might tempt us to act together.*

[* This paragraph was in cipher, but an explication of it
preserved with the copy.]

The element of measure adopted by the National Assembly excludes, _ipso
facto_, every nation on earth from a communion of measure with them; for