_princes_, (Louis Napoleon had been formerly a prince, and this was
objected to,) and remarked to them that France recognized _no
princes_--that what I had written about the expedition to Italy, I had
the right, as a publicist, to write. The world had universally
repudiated that expedition, and the president had tacitly done the same
in his letter to Colonel Ney, and in dismissing the ministers who
planned the expedition. The president being quoted as authority, the
agent of the executive thought it useless to hold the argument any
longer, and backed out. The gentlemen of the police knew nothing of
bush-fighting, and might have exclaimed with the muse in Romeo, 'Is this
poultice for my aching bones?'"

The upshot of the examination was, that the pamphlet was untouched, and
M. Blank remained in Paris.

But he was watched closer than ever. When I left him, he was waiting in
daily expectation of a _coup de etat_ on the part of Louis Napoleon. I
asked him what hopes there were for France. He shook his head sadly--he
despaired of success. It might be that Napoleon would be beaten down by
the populace, if he attempted to erect a throne, but he had faint hopes
of it, for he had got the army almost completely under his influence. Or
it was possible that Napoleon might not violate his solemn oaths to
support the republic--not for lack of disposition, but fearing the
people. I could see, however, that my friend had little faith in the
immediate future of "poor France," as he called her, as if she were his
mother. He thought the reason why the republic would be overthrown, was
from the conduct of those who had been at its head in the early part of
its history. The republicans, soon after Louis Philippe's flight, acted,
he thought, with great weakness. If strong men had been at the helm,
then no such man as Louis Napoleon would have been allowed afterward to