occupy this sister-state, which, it is alleged, requested union with
Serbia of its own free will, with two battalions of Serbian infantry. If
Montenegrin sentiment for the union is as overwhelming as Belgrade
claims, then it seems to me that the Serbs are acting in a rather
high-handed fashion.

I talked with a good many people while I was in Montenegro, and I was
especially careful not to meet them through the medium of either Serbs
or Italians. From these conversations I learned that the Montenegrins
are divided into three factions. The first of these, and the smallest,
desires the return of the King. It represents the old conservative
element and is composed of the men who have fought under him in many
wars. The second faction, which is the noisiest and at present holds the
reins of power, advocates the annexation of Montenegro to Serbia and the
deposition of King Nicholas in favor of the Serbian Prince-Regent
Alexander. The third party, which, though it has no means of making its
desires known, is, I am inclined to believe, the largest, and which
numbers among its supporters the most level-headed and far-seeing men in
the country, while frankly distrustful of Serbian ambitions and
unwilling to submit to Serbian dictatorship, possesses sufficient vision
to recognize the political and commercial advantages which would accrue
to Montenegro were she to become an equal partner in a confederation of
those Jugoslav countries which claim the same racial origin. Most
thoughtful Montenegrins have always been in favor of a union of all the
southern Slavs, along the general lines, perhaps, of the Germanic
Confederation, but this must not be interpreted as implying that they
are in favor of a union merely of Montenegro with Serbia, which would
mean the absorption of the smaller country by the larger one. They are
determined that, if such a confederation is brought about, Serbia shall
not occupy the dictatorial position which Prussia did in Germany, and