in case he should at any time see good reason to believe that there was
any purpose to dispossess him of any of the forts; and, secondly, that
at this time (December 13th) he--the President--believed that Anderson
was in no danger of attack.

The President acted his own will in the matter. On the 15th General Cass
tendered his resignation, and retired from official life, for the avowed
reason that the President had refused to reinforce Anderson, and was
negotiating with open and avowed traitors. Secretary Cobb had resigned a
few days before. Black, the Attorney-General, was now made Secretary of
State; Thomas, of Maryland, Secretary of the Treasury; and Edwin M.
Stanton was appointed Attorney-General. The President believed, and
undoubtedly honestly, that, by his concession to Floyd and the other
conspirators, he had stayed the tide of disunion in the South. It now
appears how quickly and unexpectedly he was undeceived. While these
events were transpiring, a paper addressed "To our Constituents," and
urging "the organization of a Southern Confederacy," was being
circulated for signature through the two houses of Congress. It was
signed by about one-half of the Senators and Representatives of North
and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana,
Texas, and Arkansas, and bore the date, "Washington, December 15, 1860."
It is to be remembered as the official beginning of the subsequent
Confederate States, just as Governor Gist's October circular was the
official beginning of South Carolina secession and rebellion.

On the 20th of December, South Carolina, as has been previously stated,
passed its ordinance. The desire, several times already expressed, to
hold possession of the forts in Charleston harbor now took the form of
a demand. The State Convention appointed three Commissioners to proceed
to Washington to "treat for the delivery of the forts, magazines,