suspension." It does not say by whom it may be suspended, or who
is to judge of the public safety, but, at any rate, it may be
presumed that such suspension was supposed to come from the powers
of the State which enacted the law. At the present moment, the
habeas corpus is suspended in New York, and this suspension has
proceeded not from the powers of the State, but from the Federal
government, without the sanction even of the Federal Congress.

"Every citizen may freely speak, write, and publish his sentiments
on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right; and
no law shall be passed to restrain or abridge the liberty of speech
or of the press." Art. I. Sec. 8. But at the present moment
liberty of speech and of the press is utterly abrogated in the
State of New York, as it is in other States. I mention this not as
a reproach against either the State or the Federal government, but
to show how vain all laws are for the protection of such rights.
If they be not protected by the feelings of the people--if the
people are at any time, or from any cause, willing to abandon such
privileges, no written laws will preserve them.

In Article I. Sec. 14, there is a proviso that no land--land, that
is, used for agricultural purposes--shall be let on lease for a
longer period than twelve years. "No lease or grant of
agricultural land for a longer period than twelve years hereafter
made, in which shall be reserved any rent or service of any kind,
shall be valid." I do not understand the intended virtue of this
proviso, but it shows very clearly how different are the practices
with reference to land in England and America. Farmers in the
States almost always are the owners of the land which they farm,
and such tenures as those by which the occupiers of land generally