demands in the early part of the nineteenth century, it is notorious
that the clergy opposed them. The teaching of abstract moral principles
is of no avail. Man is essentially a casuist. Leave to him the
application of your principles, and he will adapt almost any scheme of
conduct to them. The moralist who does not boldly and explicitly point
the application of his principles is either too ignorant of human nature
to discharge his duty with effect or is a coward. The plain fact is that
the preaching of justice and peace throughout Europe has been steadily
accompanied by an increase in armaments and in international friction.
It had no moral influence on the situation.

A more valid plea is that we must distinguish carefully between the
nations which inaugurated the war and the nations which are merely
defending themselves, and we must quarrel with the Christian Churches
only in those lands which are guilty. It may, indeed, be pleaded that,
since each nation regards itself as acting on the defensive and uses
arguments to this effect which convince its jurists and scholars no less
than its divines, there is no occasion at all to introduce Christianity.
Most of us do not merely admit the right, we emphasise the duty, of
every citizen to take his share in the just defence of his country,
either by arms or by material contribution. Since there seems to be a
general conviction even in Germany and Austria that the nation is
defending itself against jealous and designing neighbours, why quarrel
with their clergy for supporting the war?

When the plea is broadened to this extent we must emphatically reject
it. There has been too much disposition among moralists to listen
indulgently to such talk as this. When we find five nations engaged in a
terrible war, and each declaring that it is only defending itself
against its opponent, the cynic indeed may indolently smile at the