right of forcing labor from another man. I certainly am afraid of
any such task; but I believe that there has been no period yet,
since the world's work began, when such a practice has not prevailed
in a large portion, probably in the largest portion, of the world's
work fields. As civilization has made its progress, it has been the
duty and delight, as it has also been the interest of the men at the
top of affairs, not to lighten the work of the men below, but so to
teach them that they should recognize the necessity of working
without coercion. Emancipation of serfs and thrals, of bondsmen and
slaves, has always meant this--that men having been so taught,
should then work without coercion.

In talking or writing of slaves, we always now think of the negro
slave. Of us Englishmen it must at any rate be acknowledged that we
have done what in us lay to induce him to recognize this necessity
for labor. At any rate we acted on the presumption that he would do
so, and gave him his liberty throughout all our lands at a cost
which has never yet been reckoned up in pounds, shillings, and
pence. The cost never can be reckoned up, nor can the gain which we
achieved in purging ourselves from the degradation and
demoralization of such employment. We come into court with clean
hands, having done all that lay with us to do to put down slavery
both at home and abroad. But when we enfranchised the negroes, we
did so with the intention, at least, that they should work as free
men. Their share of the bargain in that respect they have declined
to keep, wherever starvation has not been the result of such resolve
on their part; and from the date of our emancipation, seeing the
position which the negroes now hold with us, the Southern States of
America have learned to regard slavery as a permanent institution,
and have taught themselves to regard it as a blessing, and not as a