in which it had long been brought in had produced an injurious
effect both on the revenues of the state and on the morals of the
people. Opposed to Tang Tzee was Tchu Sing, a statesman of a
very different class, of a class which, I am sorry to say, is not
confined to China. Tchu Sing appears to be one of those staunch
conservatives who, when they find that a law is inefficient
because it is too severe, imagine that they can make it efficient
by making it more severe still. His historical knowledge is much
on a par with his legislative wisdom. He seems to have paid
particular attention to the rise and progress of our Indian
Empire, and he informs his imperial master that opium is the
weapon by which England effects her conquests. She had, it
seems, persuaded the people of Hindostan to smoke and swallow
this besotting drug, till they became so feeble in body and mind,
that they were subjugated without difficulty. Some time appears
to have elapsed before the Emperor made up his mind on the point
in dispute between Tang Tzee and Tchu Sing. Our Superintendent,
Captain Elliot, was of opinion that the decision would be in
favour of the rational view taken by Tang Tzee; and such, as I
can myself attest, was, during part of the year 1837, the opinion
of the whole mercantile community of Calcutta. Indeed, it was
expected that every ship which arrived in the Hoogley from Canton
would bring the news that the opium trade had been declared
legal. Nor was it known in London till May 1838, that the
arguments of Tchu Sing had prevailed. Surely, Sir, it would have
been most absurd to order Captain Elliot to suppress this trade
at a time when everybody expected that it would soon cease to be
contraband. The right honourable Baronet must, I think, himself
admit that, till the month of May 1838, the Government here
omitted nothing that ought to have been done.