that, it matters not very much what else you grant. If you grant
that, it matters not at all what else you withhold. If you grant
that, the country is lost.

I have no blind attachment to ancient usages. I altogether
disclaim what has been nicknamed the doctrine of finality. I
have said enough to-night to show that I do not consider the
settlement made by the Reform Bill as one which can last for
ever. I certainly do think that an extensive change in the
polity of a nation must be attended with serious evils. Still
those evils may be overbalanced by advantages: and I am
perfectly ready, in every case, to weigh the evils against the
advantages, and to judge as well as I can which scale
preponderates. I am bound by no tie to oppose any reform which I
think likely to promote the public good. I will go so far as to
say that I do not quite agree with those who think that they have
proved the People's Charter to be absurd when they have proved
that it is incompatible with the existence of the throne and of
the peerage. For, though I am a faithful and loyal subject of
Her Majesty, and though I sincerely wish to see the House of
Lords powerful and respected, I cannot consider either monarchy
or aristocracy as the ends of government. They are only means.
Nations have flourished without hereditary sovereigns or
assemblies of nobles; and, though I should be very sorry to see
England a republic, I do not doubt that she might, as a republic,
enjoy prosperity, tranquillity, and high consideration. The
dread and aversion with which I regard universal suffrage would
be greatly diminished, if I could believe that the worst effect
which it would produce would be to give us an elective first
magistrate and a senate instead of a Queen and a House of Peers.