certain to keep them so; and, as we have already said, New York
forms no exception to the rule. She belongs already more to the
country than she does to the State, and every day has a tendency
to increase this catholic disposition among the votaries of
commerce.

That some extravagant notions, in which interest has thrown its
mists before the reason of our people, exist, is, we think
undeniable; and we concede that the two recently promulgated
figments of the equilibrium and the rights of persons over the
property and Territory of the United States have a character of
feebleness and obvious delusion that would excite our wonder, did
we not have so many occasions to observe and comment on the
frailty of human judgment when warped by motives of this nature.
To us it would seem, that the people of any particular State have
just the same claim to use the ships of war, and forts, and
public buildings of the United States, as they have, unpermitted
by the sovereign power, to occupy any of its lands. That which is
the property of the public is no more the property of
individuals, in law or reason, than the estate of any one man is
the estate of his neighbor. Carry out the doctrine in spirit, and
it would lead to general confusion, and a state of things so
impracticable as to disorganize society. If the people are thus
intrinsically masters and owners of all around them, why are they
not the proprietors of the banks and other corporations created
by themselves? They made the government, if you will, though in a
very limited capacity; and they made these corporations, much
more directly and unequivocally; and, admitting the truth of this
copartnership principle, in which every man is so far a member of
the firm that he may take his share of the assets, we cannot see