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The French Revolution - Volume 1 by Hippolyte Taine
page 318 of 535 (59%)
it is reserved to the individual.

On the contrary, in the declaration of the national Assembly, most
of the articles are abstract dogmas,[37] metaphysical definitions,
more or less literary axioms, that is to say, more or less false,
now vague and now contradictory, open to various interpretations and
to opposite constructions, These are good for platform display but
bad in practice, mere stage effect, a sort of pompous standard,
useless and heavy, which, hoisted in front of the Constitutional
house and shaken every day by violent hands, cannot fail soon to
tumble on the heads of passers by.[38] - Nothing is done to ward
off this visible danger. There is nothing here like that Supreme
Court which, in the United States, guards the Constitution even
against its Congress, and which, in the name of the Constitution,
actually invalidates a law, even when it has passed through all
formalities and been voted on by all the powers; which listens to
the complaints of the individual affected by an unconstitutional
law; which stays the sheriff's or collector's hand raised against
him, and which above their heads gives judgment on his interests and
wrongs. Ill-defined and discordant laws are proclaimed without any
provision being made for their interpretation, application or
sanction. No means are taken to have them specially expounded. No
district tribunal is assigned to consider the claims which grow out
of them, to put an end to litigation legally, peacefully, on a last
appeal, and through a final decision which becomes a precedent and
fixes the loose sense of the text. All this is made the duty of
everybody, that is to say of those who are disposed to charge
themselves with it, - in other words, the active minority in council
assembled. - Thus, in each town or village it is the local club
which, by the authorization of the legislator himself, becomes the
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