President Porter of the Senate, and by Speaker Stanton of the Assembly.
Such a committee would, of course, be in sympathy with machine policies,
and could be counted upon to amend the bill to the machine's liking.
There is little doubt that the machine leaders in the Senate and the
machine leaders in the Assembly acted in conjunction in the proceedings
which followed Senator Wolfe's action in abandoning his efforts to force
the anti-machine Senators to support the so called vicious Assembly
amendments.

Wolfe's first move was to ask as a matter of courtesy that the Senate
adopt his motion to reconsider the vote by which it had the week before
refused to concur in the Assembly amendment. This request the reform
element granted, purely as a matter of courtesy. Wolfe then edged up a
step nearer.

No sooner had he received the courtesy of reconsideration than both he
and Leavitt were to the fore with a suggestion that the Senate should
refuse to concur in all the amendments and let them be threshed out in
the Assembly. The purpose of the two machine leaders was apparent.

Had the Senate concurred in the ten Assembly amendments made necessary
to correct typographical errors, and refused to concur in the seven
objectionable amendments, all that would have been necessary would have
been for the Assembly to recede from its objectionable amendments. But
if Wolfe could so engineer matters that the Senate would refuse to
concur in all the amendments, then it would be necessary for the
Assembly to recede from all its amendments, including those intended to
correct typographical errors, or send the bill to a conference
committee, to be selected by Stanton and Porter. From a Committee on
Conference to a Committee on Free Conference, also to be appointed by