probably with the approval of the President, a movement in the South to
forestall the radicals by means of a settlement which, although less severe
than the proposed Fourteenth Amendment, might yet be acceptable to Congress.
One feature of the settlement was to be some form of Negro suffrage, either by
local action or by constitutional amendment. Those behind this scheme were
mainly of the former governing class. Negro suffrage, they thought, would take
the wind out of the radical sails, the Southern whites would soon be able to
control the blacks, representation in Congress would be increased, and the
Black Belt would perhaps regain its former political hegemony. It is hardly
necessary to say that the majority of the whites were solidly opposed to such
a measure. But it was hoped to carry it under pressure through the legislature
or to bring it about indirectly through rulings of the Freedmen's Bureau.

Coincident with this scheme of partial Negro suffrage an attempt was made by
the conservative leaders in Washington, working with the Southerners, to
propose a revised Fourteenth Amendment which would give the vote to competent
Negroes and not disfranchise the whites. A conference of Southern governors
met in Washington early in 1867 and drafted such an amendment. But, it was too
late.

Meanwhile the Fourteenth Amendment submitted by Congress had been brought
before the Southern legislatures, and during the winter of 1866-67 it was
rejected by all of them. There was strong opposition to it because it
disfranchised the leading whites, but perhaps the principal reason for its
rejection was that the Southern people were not sure that still more severe
conditions might not be imposed later.

While the President was "restoring" the states which had seceded and
struggling with Congress, the Border States of the South, including Tennessee
(which was admitted in 1866 by reason of its radical state government), were