of guilt by agreeing to accept the "civil and political equality of all men"
or by supporting reconstruction. Only in South Carolina and Louisiana were
race lines abolished by law.

The legislative work of the conventions was more interesting than the
constitution making. By ordinance the legality of Negro marriages was dated
from November 1867, or some date later than had been fixed by the white
conventions of 1865. Mixed schools were provided in some States; militia for
the black districts but not for the white was to be raised; while in South
Carolina it was made a penal offense to call a person a "Yankee" or a
"nigger." Few of the Negro delegates demanded proscription of whites or social
equality; they wanted schools and the vote. The white radicals were more
anxious to keep the former Confederates from holding office than from voting.
The generals in command everywhere used their influence to secure moderate
action by the conventions, and for this they were showered with abuse.

As provided by the reconstruction acts, the new constitutions were submitted
to the electorate created by those instruments. Unless a majority of the
registered voters in a State should take part in the election, the
reconstruction would fail and the State would remain under military rule. The
whites now inaugurated a more systematic policy of abstention and in Alabama,
on February 4, 1868, succeeded in holding the total vote below a majority.
Congress then rushed to the rescue of radicalism with the act of the 11th of
March, which provided that a mere majority of those voting in the State was
sufficient to inaugurate reconstruction. Arkansas had followed the lead of
Alabama, but too late; in Mississippi the constitution was defeated by a
majority vote; in Texas the convention had made no provision for a vote; and
in Virginia the commanding general, disapproving of the work of the
convention, refused to pay the expenses of an election. In the other six
States the constitutions were adopted.*