self-government which we assert for ourselves. If the Mexican
people prefer a monarchy to a republic, it is our plain duty
cheerfully to acquiesce in their decision and to evince a sincere
and friendly interest in their prosperity.... The Emperor of
the French has solemnly disclaimed any purpose to impose on
Mexico a form of government not acceptable to the nation...."
In January, 1864, hope of recognition through support of
Napoleon's Mexican policy moved the Confederate Congress to adopt
resolutions providing for a Minister to the Mexican Empire and
giving him instructions with regard to a presumptive treaty. To
the new post Davis appointed General William Preston.

But what, while hope was springing high in America, was taking
place in France? So far as the world could say, there was little
if anything to disturb the Confederates; and yet, on the horizon,
a cloud the size of a man's hand had appeared. M. Arman had
turned to another member of the Legislative Assembly, a sound
Bonapartist like himself, M. Voruz, of Nantes, to whom he had
sublet a part of the Confederate contract. The truth about the
ships and their destination thus became part of the archives of
the Voruz firm. No phase of Napoleonic intrigue could go very far
without encountering dishonesty, and to the confidential clerk of
M. Voruz there occurred the bright idea of doing something for
himself with this valuable diplomatic information. One fine day
the clerk was missing and with him certain papers. Then there
ensued a period of months during which the firm and their
employers could only conjecture the full extent of their loss.

In reality, from the Confederate point of view, everything was
lost. Again the episode becomes too complex to be followed in