The Industrial Revolution had set in. These new millions who
hastened to answer the call of industry in the new land were
largely composed of the poor of other lands. Thousands of them
were paupers when they landed in America, their passage having
been paid by those at home who wanted to get rid of them. Vast
numbers settled down in the cities, in spite of the lure of the
land. It was at this period that universal manhood suffrage was
written into the constitutions of the older States, and a new
electorate assumed the reins of power. Now the first labor
representatives were sent to the legislatures and to Congress,
and the older parties began eagerly bidding for the votes of the
humble. The decision of great questions fell to this new
electorate. With the rise of industry came the demand for a
protective tariff and for better transportation. State
governments vied with each other, in thoughtless haste, in
lending their credit to new turnpike and canal construction. And
above all political issues loomed the Bank, the monopoly that
became the laborer's bugaboo and Andrew Jackson's opportunity to
rally to his side the newly enfranchised mechanics.

So the old days of semi-colonial composure were succeeded by the
thrilling experiences that a new industrial prosperity thrusts
upon a really democratic electorate. Little wonder that the labor
union movement took the political by-path, seeking salvation in
the promise of the politician and in the panacea of fatuous laws.
Now there were to be discerned the beginnings of class solidarity
among the working people. But the individual's chances to improve
his situation were still very great and opportunity was still a
golden word.