army was maintained on the Scotch Border, another army invaded
France; and Wolsey, not venturing to call a Parliament,--because he
was, as Pope's legate, liable to a praemunire,--raised money by
contributions and benevolences, which were levied, it seems on the
whole, uniformly and equally (save that they weighed more heavily on
the rich than on the poor, if that be a fault), and differed from
taxes only in not having received the consent of Parliament.
Doubtless, this was not the best way of raising money: but what if,
under the circumstances, it were the only one? What if, too, on the
whole, the money so raised was really given willingly by the nation?
The sequel alone could decide that.

The first contribution for which Wolsey asked was paid. The second
was resisted, and was not paid; proving thereby that the nation need
not pay unless it chose. The court gave way; and the war became
defensive only till 1525.

Then the tide turned. The danger, then, was not from Francis, but
from the Emperor. Francis was taken prisoner at Pavia; and shortly
after Rome was sacked by Bourbon.

The effect of all this in England is told at large in Mr. Froude's
second chapter. Henry became bond for Francis's ransom, to be paid
to the Emperor. He spent 500,000 crowns more in paying the French
army; and in the terms of peace made with France, a sum-total was
agreed on for the whole debt, old and new, to be paid as soon as
possible; and an annual pension of 500,000 crowns besides. The
French exchequer, however, still remained bankrupt, and again the
money was not paid.