thinking; it enlarged the horizon of political experience; it
led the public mind to ponder somewhat on the circumstances of
our national history; to pry into the beginnings of some
social anomalies which they found were not so ancient as they
had been led to believe, and which had their origin in causes
very different to what they had been educated to credit; and
insensibly it created and prepared a popular intelligence to
which one can appeal, no longer hopelessly, in an attempt to
dispel the mysteries with which for nearly three centuries it
has been the labour of party writers to involve a national
history, and without the dispersion of which no political
position can be understood and no social evil remedied.

The events of 1830 did not produce any change in the modes of
thought and life of Charles Egremont. He took his political
cue from his mother, who was his constant correspondent. Lady
Marney was a distinguished "stateswoman," as they called Lady
Carlisle in Charles the First's time, a great friend of Lady
St Julians, and one of the most eminent and impassioned
votaries of Dukism. Her first impression on the overthrow of
her hero was, astonishment at the impertinence of his
adversaries, mingled with some lofty pity for their silly
ambition and short-lived career. She existed for a week in
the delightful expectation of his grace being sent for again,
and informed every one in confidence, that "these people could
not form a cabinet." When the tocsin of peace, reform, and
retrenchment sounded, she smiled bitterly; was sorry for poor
Lord Grey of whom she had thought better, and gave them a
year, adding with consoling malice, "that it would be another
Canning affair." At length came the Reform Bill itself, and no