own subjects could not be more loyal than were the citizens and yeomen of
Holland. "The members of the States dare not but be Queen Elizabeth's,"
continued the Earl, "for by the living God! if there should fall but the
least unkindness through their default, the people would kill them. All
sorts of people, from highest to lowest, assure themselves, now that they
have her Majesty's good countenance, to beat all the Spaniards out of
their country. Never was there people in such jollity as these be. I
could be content to lose a limb, could her Majesty see these countries
and towns as I have done." He was in truth excessively elated, and had
already, in imagination, vanquished Alexander Farnese, and eclipsed the
fame of William the Silent. "They will serve under me," he observed,
"with a better will than ever they served under the Prince of Orange.
Yet they loved him well, but they never hoped of the liberty of this
country till now."

Thus the English government had every reason to be satisfied with the
aspect of its affairs in the Netherlands. But the nature of the Earl's
authority was indefinite. The Queen had refused the sovereignty and the
protectorate. She had also distinctly and peremptorily forbidden
Leicester to assume any office or title that might seem at variance with
such a refusal on her part. Yet it is certain that, from the very first,
he had contemplated some slight disobedience to these prohibitions.
"What government is requisite"--wrote he in a secret memorandum of
"things most necessary to understand"--"to be appointed to him that shall
be their governor? First, that he have as much authority as the Prince
of Orange, or any other governor or captain-general, hath had
heretofore." Now the Prince of Orange hath been stadholder of each of
the United Provinces, governor-general, commander-in-chief, count of
Holland in prospect, and sovereign, if he had so willed it. It would
doubtless have been most desirable for the country, in its confused