the state capitals. In many places it has had a strangle hold on
legislation. The trade naturally tends to ally itself with the other
vicious interests that live by exploiting human weakness-the gamblers,
the fosterers of prostitution, the keepers of vile "shows"; it has
a vast revenue for the purchasing of votes, and, in the saloon, the
easiest of channels for reaching the bribable voter. Corrupt political
machines have been glad to use its support, and have derived a large
measure of their strength there from. Were the liquor trade destroyed,
the greatest obstacle in the way of political reform would be removed.
In sum, we can say that the evils caused by alcohol, instead of having
been exaggerated, have never until very recently been sufficiently
realized. The half hath not been told.

What should be the attitude of the individual toward alcoholic liquors?

In the light of our present knowledge, the attitude toward liquor
demanded by morality of the individual admits of no debate. He may
love dearly his wines or his beer, but his enjoyment is won at too
dear a cost to himself and others; his support of the liquor trade
is very selfish. He has no right to poison himself, to impair his health
and efficiency, as even a little drinking will do. He has no right
to run the risk of becoming the slave of alcohol, as so many of the
most promising men have become; the effect of the drug is insidious,
and no man can be sure that he will be able to resist it. He has no
right to spend in harmful self-indulgence money that might be spent
for useful ends. He has no right to incur the, however immeasurable,
moral and intellectual impairment which is effected by even rather
moderate drinking. He has no right to bequeath to his children a weakened
heritage of vitality. He has no right, by his example, to encourage
others, who may be far more deeply harmed than he, in the use of the