make use of it; he saw how he could utilize it not only to foist a
great part of the expense upon the city, but to get a perpetual
franchise. Thus, upon the strength of the popular cry for reform, he
would extort advantages calculated to save him millions and at the
same time extend his privileges. It was but another illustration of
the principle in capitalist society to which we have referred before
(and which there will be copious occasion to mention again and again)
that after energetically contesting even those petty reforms for
which the people have contended, the ruling classes have ever deftly
turned about when they could no longer withstand the popular demands,
and have made those very reforms the basis for more spoliation and
for a further intrenchment of their power. [Footnote: Commodore
Vanderbilt's descendants, the present Vanderbilts, have been using
the public outcry for a reform of conditions on the West Side of New
York City, precisely as the original Vanderbilt utilized that for the
improvement of Fourth avenue. The Hudson River division of the New
York Central and Hudson River Railroad has hitherto extended downtown
on the surface of Tenth and Eleventh Avenues and other thoroughfares.
Large numbers of people have been killed and injured. For decades
there has been a public demand that these dangerous conditions be
remedied or removed. The Vanderbilts have as long resisted the
demand; the immense numbers of casualties had no effect upon them.
When the public demand became too strong to be ignored longer, they
set about to exploit it in order to get a comprehensive franchise
with incalculable new privileges.]

The first step was to get the New York City Common Council to pass,
with an assumption of indignation, an ordinance requiring Vanderbilt
to make the desired improvements, and committing the city to bear
one-half the expense and giving him a perpetual franchise. This was