up the Annapolis suggestion within five months after its receipt. But
the feeling that the initiative should come from the Congress itself
rather than from an irregular convention led to the substitution of
a motion from the Massachusetts delegates in Congress that a convention
of delegates should be held at Philadelphia on the second Monday of
the following May "for the sole and express purpose of revising the
Articles of Confederation" and reporting its suggestions to Congress
and the several State Legislatures.

During the spring of 1787, State after State took up the idea of a
convention of the people to correct the errors in the national frame.
With rare discrimination, they chose, through their State Legislatures,
their leading men as delegates. All hope became centred in this
apparently last resort. The convention "will either recover us from
our present embarrassments or complete our ruin," said Monroe. That
radical changes were necessary, many felt assured. Madison likened the
Government at this time to a ship which Congress kept from sinking by
standing constantly at the pumps instead of stopping the leaks which
endangered her. He began to talk about "a new system" before the
convention assembled. In sending to Washington an outline study of all
prior confederated governments, he wrote, "Radical attempts, although
unsuccessful, will at least justify the authors of them."

Such sentiments were found to prevail generally among the delegates
when, on May 25, 1787, a majority of the States was represented and
sessions begun in the Independence Hall in the city of Philadelphia.
Within five days it was decided to cast aside the deficient Articles,
to exceed instructions, and to frame a new National Government with
separate legislative, judiciary, and executive functions. To put new
wine into old bottles was felt to be useless. No small task confronted