other the power of regulating industry, by the regulation of
commerce, was attempted to be converted into the power of
taxation. Were I to trace the analogy further, we should find
that the perversion of the taxing power, in the one case, has
given precisely the same control to the northern section over the
industry of the southern section of the Union, which the power to
regulate commerce gave to Great Britain over the industry of the
Colonies in the other; and that the very articles in which the
Colonies were permitted to have a free trade, and those in which
the mother-country had a monopoly, are almost identically the
same as those in which the Southern States are permitted to have
a free trade by the Act of 1832, and in which the Northern States
have, by the same act, secured a monopoly. The only difference
is in the means. In the former, the Colonies were permitted to
have a free trade with all countries south of Cape Finisterre, a
cape in the northern part of Spain; while north of that, the
trade of the Colonies was prohibited, except through the
mother-country, by means of her commercial regulations. If we
compare the products of the country north and south of Cape
Finisterre, we shall find them almost identical with the list of
last year. Nor does the analogy terminate here. The very
arguments resorted to at the commencement of the American
Revolution, and the measures adopted, and the motives assigned to
bring on that contest (to enforce the law), are almost
identically the same.

But to return from this digression to the consideration of the
bill. Whatever difference of opinion may exist upon other
points, there is one on which I should suppose there can be none;
that this bill rests upon principles which, if carried out, will