in naval warfare, will be able to absorb without much trouble its
returning workers. Ireland will be much quieter, less revolutionary
and less expensive to govern. I ask what reason is there to suppose
that taxation in a self-governing Ireland would be greater than in
Great Britain after the war, or in what way Ulster industries could
be singled out, or for what evil purpose by an Irish Parliament? It
would be only too anxious rather to develop still further the one
great industrial centre in Ireland; and would, it is my firm
conviction, allow the representatives of Ulster practically to
dictate the industrial policy of Ireland. Has there ever at any
time been the slightest opposition by any Irish Nationalist to
proposals made by Ulster industrialists which would lend color to
such a suspicion? Personally, I think that Ulster without safeguards
of any kind might trust its fellow-countrymen; the weight, the
intelligence, the vigor of character of Ulster people in any case
would enable them to dominate Ireland economically. But I do not
for a moment say that Ulster is not justified in demanding safeguards.
Its leader, speaking at Westminster during one of the debates on the
Home Rule Bill, said scornfully, "We do not fear oppressive
legislation. We know in fact there would be none. What we do fear
is oppressive administration." That I translate to mean that Ulster
feels that the policy of the spoils to the victors would be adopted,
and that jobbery in Nationalist and Catholic interests would be rampant.
There are as many honest Nationalists and Catholics who would object
to this as there are Protestant Unionists, and they would readily
accept as part of any settlement the proposal that all posts which
can rightly be filled by competitive examination shall only be
filled after examination by Irish Civil Service Commissioners, and
that this should include all posts paid for out of public funds
whether directly under the Irish Government or under County Councils,