progressive thought of the country. I recall very well my discussion with
him in regard to this most important bill. Realizing that he was at this
time looming up as a national figure, and knowing that the Progressives of
the country were awaiting with keen interest his action on the bill, I
feared the effect upon his political fortunes that a veto of the bill
would undoubtedly have.

The Baltimore Convention was only a few months away and it was clear to me
that no matter how safe and sane were the grounds upon which he would veto
this legislation, his enemies in the Democratic party would charge him
with being influenced by the New Jersey railroad interests who were
engaged in a most vigorous campaign against the passage of this
legislation. In fact, when we came to discuss the matter, I frankly called
this phase of it to his attention. I tried to make him see the effects
such a veto would have upon his political fortunes, but he soon made it
clear to me that he was unmindful of all such consequences. After
thoroughly considering the matter, he finally decided to veto the bill. In
discussing the matter with me, he said: "I realize the unjust and
unfortunate inference that will be drawn by my political enemies from a
veto of this bill, but the bill, as drawn, is unjust and unfair to the
railroads and I ought not to be afraid to say so publicly. I cannot
consider the effect of a veto upon my own political fortunes. If I should
sign this bill it would mean practically a confiscation of railroad
property and I would not be worthy of the trust of a single mail in the
state or in the country were I afraid to do my duty and to protect private
property by my act." His attitude toward the bill was clearly set forth in
the veto, part of which is as follows:

I know the seriousness and great consequence of the question affected
by this important measure. There is a demand, well grounded and